Is Trump Going Soft? Insiders Say He Secretly Wants Liberalism

It seems that Donald Trump, the presumed Republican nominee for president, is determined to have his most infamous acronym stand for “make America gay again,” despite the fact that his most fervent followers believe the big man will make America outstanding again.

The Trump campaign distributed a 16-page draft of the party’s new platform on Monday, which completely eliminates the party’s opposition to gay marriage. This comes at a time when poll after poll indicates that Republican voters—and many independents as well—are growing more and more apathetic toward the ridiculous idea of gay marriage.

What good is it if we just take the policies of the Democratic Party and call them our own? We might as well follow the conservative path.

The Washington Post initially received a draft, which subsequently became public.

Additionally, the current platform draft removes text from 2016 criticizing the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2015 ruling allowing same-sex couples to marry. The new terminology has no bearing whatsoever on same-sex marriage. Alternatively, it states, “Republicans will foster a culture that honors and supports working parents, as well as the sanctity of marriage, children, and the basic role of families.” “We’re going to scrap laws that penalize families.”

As we have reported, Trump is attempting to have the GOP abandon its support for a nationwide abortion ban, and this draft reflects that desire. It merely makes a passing reference to resistance to late-term abortion. However, the marriage provision demonstrates that Trump’s leftward tilt extends beyond worries about the strength of the pro-abortion movement in the polls. It has far more systemic roots.

Recall that since winning the nomination, Trump has supported almost all of the left-wing candidates running for office. He has obstructed conservatives opposing House Speaker Mike Johnson’s (R-La.) agenda. He has advocated for increased immigration, backed funding for Ukraine, opposed the repeal of Obamacare, shot down the Bud Light boycott, and refused to even pledge as a resident of Florida to vote against the abortion referendum that would legalize the killing of unborn children.

As he claims to want to “leave abortion to the states,” Trump has really put pressure on the legislature of Arizona to remove an anti-abortion statute. It seems that giving the states the final say is a one-way path.

All of this is taking place as Trump elevates neocon technocrats that his fervent followers had previously criticized, such as Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) and Gov. Doug Burgum (R) of North Dakota. He is criticizing Project 2025, a Bannon-backed effort to determine the personnel and policy objectives for Trump’s government in order to steer clear of the “Javanka” globalism problems from his first term. All of this is happening against this backdrop. In addition to rejecting this objective, the Trump campaign declared that it would not be using the “conservative LinkedIn” that its supporters had put up, which allows them to exclusively hire MAGA candidates for administrative jobs. Bill Ackman and other billionaires have pledged to staff Trump’s cabinet in the interim.

The sheer number of betrayals in such a short time should pause conservatives and inspire them to express their disapproval. Trump calls for a “Miriam Miers moment.” Conservatives made it quite evident in 2005 that they disapproved of George W. Bush’s appointment of his personal attorney to the US Supreme Court. Because of his opposition, Samuel Alito’s jurisprudence has benefited us for almost 20 years. I’m really happy that those on the right didn’t order us to quiet down and not voice our disapproval of the GOP leader at the time by asking, “Do you want the Democrat?”

This brings us back to the party platform. Further evidence that Trump’s leftward turn is a permanent paradigm shift for governance, more in line with France’s Emmanuel Macron and Britain’s Rishi Sunak than with Nigel Farage or Marine Le Pen, comes from his plan to rework the platform.

The new platform, devoid of committee meetings or amendment votes, aims to supplant the economic and social conservatism that some find objectionable and that two consecutive conventions led by Trump approved. Republicans appear to be losing momentum on abortion, but they are making progress against the rainbow jihad with their rising resistance to homosexual marriage, and even more so to the transgender movement.

The historical establishment’s tendency to abandon conservatism when it trails in polls is no reason to soften on these issues. However, the meticulously crafted draft reveals that Trump largely agrees with Bruce Jenner’s viewpoint, which acknowledges transgenderism as a genuine and significant phenomenon while defending female sports and rejecting financing for the castration of kids.

The Washington Post provides the following explanation of the new platform in relation to the current one:

“While denouncing any government support for such operations, the new platform does not go so far as to attempt to prevent parents from obtaining medical attention for their underage children. The new platform states, “We will reverse Biden’s radical revision of Title IX education laws, restrict government funding for sex change surgery, halt taxpayer-funded schools from promoting gender transition, and restore safeguards for women and girls.”Jenner and Ric Grenell have been promoting this party message for a long time: While you may agree with the principles of the gay and transgender agenda, you may disagree with some of its more divisive practices. This explains why there are no references to adoption concerns, drag performances, or restrooms. Furthermore, Trump’s wife has only hosted two fundraisers this cycle for the Log Cabin Republicans, a group whose main goal is to mainstream homosexuality inside the GOP. The conference also plans to have Bruce Jenner speak, introducing himself as “Caitlyn,” in an effort to mainstream that kind of conduct among conservatives.”

Party officials wanted to remove socially conservative delegates from the platform committee because they were so vocal about their desire to mainstream liberalism in the program. Several socially conservative party delegates from Southern states informed me that the RNC offered them the opportunity to serve on any committee, as long as it wasn’t the platform committee.

Meanwhile, the Missouri GOP’s blase Republican chairman just led his executive committee in an unprecedented move to override the activists’ choice of delegates and install a new slate of establishment delegates. Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) cautioned against diluting the platform on marriage and life, but his words are meaningless without a Harriet Miers moment.

Recently, Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) proposed that the party platform should include Trump’s most current opinions. He is entirely incorrect. At the moment, Trump remains true to his character. Though clearly superior to Biden, Trump will not be that bulwark against the uniparty down the ballot in the GOP and red states.

It is a straw man to say that those of us who are concerned about Trump’s trajectory favor Biden and the Democrats. While you try to undo the platform’s harm over the next few days, you may still nominate Trump at the convention. But what good is it if we simply take the programs of the Democratic Party and call them our own? We might as well follow the conservative path.

Author: Scott Dowdy

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